The evidence that shows Rwanda is backing M23 rebels

The demonstrators in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, were burning pictures of the Rwandan President and tearing the flags of Rwandan, as the rebels took control of most of the eastern city of Gouma.

Their anger focuses on Rwandan President Paul Kajami, who are accused of supporting the rebels – a long accusation by the United Nations.

In an explicit phrase, a group of United Nations experts maintain that the Rwandan army in “real control over M23”, with an explanation of how to train M23 under the supervision of Rwandi and support them with high -tech Rwandan weapons.

Goma, who is on the foot of a volcano near Lake Kivu, sits on the border with Rwanda. It is the capital of the northern province of Kevo, which is rich in minerals – and it is an important commercial and humanitarian center and a base for the largest peacekeeping mission to the United Nations.

The city also became a shelter for those who flee the conflict between the M23 fighters and the army that erupted again in late 2021 – with the population swelling to about two million.

They all face more disturbances as the fighting erupted there on Sunday night with loud explosions hesitating in the streets, which are now scattered by bodies. The exact conditions of what is going on is unclear because the phone lines have decreased and the electricity and water supplies were cut off. But it seems that the M23 has seized most, if not all, in the city.

“There was no doubt about the presence of Rwandan forces in Goma, which supports M23,” said Jean -Pierre Lacroix, head of peace conservation at the United Nations in Goma.

Certainly, some Congolese army soldiers in Juma who surrendered on Monday did so by crossing the border to Rwanda.

Since the conflict began, President Kagame has repeatedly denied any involvement in supporting the M23 rebels, who are well equipped, well armed and well trained.

However, this response has shifted significantly as accusations continued to grow with “overwhelming evidence” showing Rwanda’s support for the rebel group, according to Richard Monkervi, director of the International Crisis Group project at Great Lakes

“The tone has changed to justify defensive measures,” he told the BBC. “It has become difficult to refuse Rwanda’s support for M23.”

On Sunday, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Rwanda said in a statement: “This fighting is still near the Rwandan border represents a serious threat to security integrity and regional integrity in Rwanda, and the ongoing defensive position of Rwanda requires.”

He said he was concerned about the “misleading or manipulative” statements that lacked the context about the conflict.

For Kagame, all context comes to the Rwandan collective genocide that occurred more than 100 days in 1994.

The Ethnic Huto militia participating in killing up to 800,000 people – the vast majority of the Tutsi community – has escaped to what is now known as Dr. Congo, and some of them constitute the democratic forces to liberate Rwanda (FDLR).

This rebel group is still active in the unstable unstable Eastern Congo – and still includes some of those responsible for genocide.

Kagame, who headed the rebellious tutsi force that has ended the murder for more than three decades, believes that the “genocide militia” is an existential threat.

His government has twice invaded Dr. Kongo, saying that she wanted to prevent Hoto rebel groups from organizing cross -border attacks.

Earlier this month, his Congolese counterpart, Felix Chesikdi, called for his failure to deal with FDLR and speak to M23, saying this increases the conflict.

Mr. MONCRIEF believes that the targeting of Goma is about raising a political point because it says that M23 does not need the city strategically because it “already controls many profitable areas.”

“It is the way of President Kagami to practice power over who is responsible for North Kivu.”

Rwanda accused the Military Governor of the North Kivu, who was killed in the fighting last week, in cooperation with FDLR.

Experts agreed that the discovery of this type of high -level cooperation was a red flag to a bull of Rwanda.

M23 assets are related to these tensions – they are the latest incarnation of a rebel group that they say are fighting for the interests of the minority of the Tutsi community in the eastern Congo.

The first uprising in more than a decade ended with a peace deal – when it removed its fighters and moved mainly to the camps in Uganda.

But three years ago, they started leaving the camps, saying that the deal was not honored, and within two months it was seized on the lands.

The mission of peacekeeping to the United Nations – which was first published in 1999 – was not authorized to go to the attack. Two regional powers – two powers in East Africa, followed by South Africa – have failed specifically published over the past few years at the request of TSHISECEDI to contain M23.

This gives an indication of the advanced M23 operations.

According to the United Nations Group of Experts, this includes five months of training at the main base of the M23 in Chanceo, the mountainous terrain that is not far from the borders of Rwanda, which integrates courses on theory and ideology and then practical elements including “war tactics”, “participation rules And “Bush Tactics”.

She said that the Rwandan officers were often in the camp, where the recruits, including children, were brought – some of them joined on a voluntary basis, and others were forced to do so in a systematic process as local heads were forced to provide recruits.

Experts said that Sultani Makkaga, who once attended Kajami in the early 1990s in Rwanda, and is now the commander of the military in M23, attended some of the celebrations passing through the period between September 25 and October 31, 2024, which included 3000 recruits.

Rwanda McCulo spokesman did not address whether Rwandi officers in the M23 camp, but she rejected the charges related to children’s soldiers, and informed BBC last year: “The demand for the recruitment of the palace in the camp Rwanda.”

However, experts at the United Nations have in detail how the M23 has grown since May when the numbers were put about 3000.

Experts estimate that between 3000 and 4000 of the Rwandan army forces on the ground in Dr. Kongo – saying that it depends on the authenticated images, drones, video recordings, certificates and intelligence.

The arrested M23 fighters said that the Rwandans were known as “friendly power”, where the report of experts said in December that the English term “was used in general” even when he was speaking in other languages.

They said that these Rwandan special forces were there to train and support the rebels, and they did not interact with the M23 regular.

Rwanda’s ally, Uganda, is not satisfied with another rebel group in Dr. Kongo, who threatens her security, was also accused of the help of M23 – with her employees also in Chango. UN experts say Uganda also provided weapons, hosted rebel leaders and allowed the cross -border movements to M23 fighters – accusations that Kampala denied them.

Kagame recently expressed his frustration that after TSHISECEDI reached power in 2019, it was suggested that Rwanda work alongside the Congolese Army to treat FDLR – unlike a joint attack by Dr. Kongo and Uganda against Democratic Democratic rebels (ADF).

This may explain the return of the M23 appearance in 2021 – with evidence that Rwanda’s support for the group continues to grow.

Clémentine de Montjoye, the first researcher in the African section of Human Rights Watch, BBC, told the geographical photos that placed Rwandan forces in Saki, a city outside of Goma last week.

UN experts say M23 resolution to arrest the city of Robia, which fell to its forces in May, “out of the strategic need to monopolize” a profitable trade in Carlitan, which is used to make batteries for electric cars and mobile phone.

Its report says in December that the group now collects at least 800,000 dollars (643,000 pounds) monthly from the two -legged taxes in Robia – and included sending about 120 tons of desired metal to Rwanda every four weeks.

It includes satellite images to show how the road was expanded by September on the Congolese side from the Kibomba border crossing to allow heavy trucks that were not previously able to use the road to Rwanda.

Mrs. de Montgoy explained how the advanced weapons used by the M23 were not available to any of the numerous armed groups working in the eastern Congo.

“Earlier last year, we documented how the Rwandan forces fired, fired 122 mm missiles, and hit the displacement camps,” BBC told the BBC.

“Certainly, with the type of military support that M23 received, they managed to make such progress [on Goma]”

UN experts have documented many of these examples, including the use of Israeli anti -tank missiles.

Mr. Monccrief said that M23 was also using technology to intervene in the GPS (GPS) that prevented the Congolese army from planes it had from China.

UN experts said that “liberation and confusion” near the M23 -controlled areas and the Rwandan army has disrupted other aircraft.

President Kagame rejected these United Nations reports, and the flow of their “experience”, saying that they ignore many ventilation in Dr. Kongo to focus on the “fake problems” created by the M23.

East African Society – which is currently headed by the President of Kenya – is trying to mediate now, although TSHISECEDI said he will not attend the organized emergency summit in a hurry.

Observers say that the Rwandan president will tell any broker that FDLR is the only topic of discussion because he insists on his existence makes Dr. Kongo an insecure neighbor – which he repeated at a press conference earlier this month.

“Frankly, over the past thirty years if anyone wants to understand what problems are [in DR Congo] What solutions that should be, do not even need to be an expert. “